Dear All;
'History often tends to obscure as much as it reveals'. Narindar Saroop (a former officer of 2nd Lancers also called Gardner's Horse)
Following was the outcome of random thoughts about a general historical perspective about Afghan dilemma. Many baffling questions about clash between Afghan & non-Afghan worlds, role of religion, exiles, tribes and world view of foreigners dealing with Afghanistan and how historical narratives are constructed are main points. It is essentially a historical narrative with no specific relation to current scenario and focused on power players and not ordinary folks. It is a 'politically incorrect' narrative. Many of these questions were raised & discussed with a number of Afghans and non-Afghans with a purpose of understanding a complex scene and not related to any specific policy.
Those who are engaged in implementing policy decisions of their governments don't need a detailed knowledge (There are many exceptions but in general I found the knowledge of some Pakistani handlers of Afghanistan shockingly deficient but I thought it didn't matter much. If you are simply handing list of which Afghan to be paid how much stipend to civil authorities & in return entertained by lavish feasts by the grateful Afghan, do you need to know too much history? Knowledge of some who had spent years dealing with Afghanistan was a little more than the history taught in some Pakistani books (Durrani, Ghilzai variety). The good ones had just flipped through some old colonial gazettes. Same is true of Americans. If you can walk into the meeting with bundles of crisp brand new hundred dollar bills neatly wrapped in plastic and put on the table, do you need to know the pedigree of the guy making the deal? Similarly, if you have already ticked on the list the 'naughty Afghan' and requested the dispatch of a drone, do you need to waste time about his grandfather or whether he is part of any tribal or clan feud?). On the other hand, even if one is well versed with the history and power dynamics of over a millennia, it does not necessarily translate into a successful policy. It is not possible for fallible humans to see third and fourth order consequences of their actions. Despite all shortcomings, some action whether right or wrong will be taken as history can not be constructed in a vacuum. In my view, if you are ignorant, you are going to make ten mistakes. If you take time to learn and become knowledgeable, you are going to make six mistakes and if you are really exceptional (i.e. James Abbott, Herbert Edwards, Robert Warburton etc.) you are going to make three mistakes. It is then left to the historians to construct the narrative.
The first contact between Afghan & non-Afghan world occurred during first Anglo-Afghan War in 1839-42. Two works (Life of Amir Dost Muhammed Khan by Mohan Lal and Sikhs and Afghans by Shahamat Ali) provide a whole different perspective of that time period. There are several unique and remarkable facts about these two works;
- Written by natives who were part of the first batch of Indians taught English (Both joined Delhi College in the year 1827 when English was introduced. They were the two most famous of the original batch of six students).
- Active participants in that fateful time period.
- Served closely with senior British players in the game as well as interacting with natives (Mohan Lal was 'Persian Secretary' to Alexander Burns accompanying main force through Sindh, Baluchistan and via Kandahar to Kabul & Shahamat Ali served in the same capacity with Lt. Colonel Claude Wade and Percival Lord accompanying a column through Khyber).
- They were probably the only natives allowed into the inner sanctums of the power plays (off course with some limitations) as they were the intermediaries in important and secret negotiations.
- Fluent in Persian and English thus understanding the dynamics of two different worlds.
- Works based on diaries kept by them as instructed by their British superiors.
- The most amazing fact is that these works were published in 1847 & 1848 when many players were still alive. Both authors especially Mohan Lal openly criticized many policies of the British during the campaign which is quite remarkable.
Enjoy if you have interest in history.
'All barbarous histories have fabulous beginnings.' Vico
Warm Regards,
Hamid
This is the first of the two part article.
Afghanistan – Present through the Prism of Past
Hamid Hussain
The Past is Prelude
'Experience is a wonderful thing; it enables you to recognize a mistake
every time you repeat it'. Anonymous
In the last two hundred years, the remote and mysterious Afghanistan and its inhabitants catch international headlines in the context of internal power struggles and inevitable sucking in of outsiders. The context and cast of the drama changes with time but theme of the play remains the same. Major General Sir John Hills wrote in 1900 about the lessons from First and Second Anglo-Afghan Wars of 1839 and 1879, "while at the outset a numerically weak but well disciplined force could beat down the opposition of the enemy's troops, and was able to occupy the chief cities as Cabul, Kandahar, and Quetta, yet this same force became inadequate to hold the country in military occupation when, some months after, the real dangers and difficulties of the campaign sprang into being, at the time when the fierce, warlike and fanatical tribesman realized that not only a foreign, but an infidel power held their cities and country in subjection. To meet such a general uprising and Jehad (in truth a much more formidable matter) a great and immediate increase of the force originally deemed sufficient was absolutely necessary". (1) The cycle repeated in the next century with a different cast of actors. In 1979, a small Soviet contingent marched into Afghanistan to support a shaky Afghan government with no significant opposition. In the next decade, every year Soviets had to put more soldiers, equipment and money to control rapidly escalating violence. In 2001, less than 2000 American boots on the ground pushed Taliban out of power and Afghanistan was quite. Nine years later with over 100'000 troops on the ground and infusion of billions of dollars, the country is more insecure.
In the past, soldiers were used to solve essentially political dilemmas without seriously contemplating about the risks and benefits as well as resources needed for the task. Over a century later the story is no different. In 1880, the commander of Kandahar garrison was asked to put a lid on a restive population of 30'000 Kandharis and many more in the surrounding villages and towns with less than a thousand effective bayonets (7th Fusiliers, one wing of 19th Bombay Native Infantry, one squadron of Poona Horse and some troopers from 3rd Bombay Cavalry and 3rd Sindh Horse) and four artillery guns. (2) Over a century later, similar dilemma faced the restive Kandahar. In 1988, Soviets allocated only one brigade (70th Motorized Rifle Brigade) and one special forces Spetsnaz battalion (from 22nd Spetsnaz Brigade) for the whole of Kandahar. (3) From 2005 to 2008, only two Canadian battalions with 2800 soldiers were deployed to Kandahar with a population of over 900'000. (4)
In 1839, Shah Shuja's army was armed, equipped and officered by British to help Shuja control his turbulent Afghan flock. In 1885, British provided money, arms, ammunition and guns to Amir Abdur Rahman for the same purpose. During his visit to Rawalpindi in 1885, additional ten lakh (one lakh = 100'000) Rupees, 20'000 rifles and battery of artillery guns with ammunition was given as a gift by British government. (5) Soviets equipped trained and tutored Afghan army and fought alongside it against insurgency during their decade long stay in Afghanistan. Now United States is doing exactly the same thing albeit at a much larger scale.
Afghan & Non-Afghan
"At home, me against my brother; in the house, me and my brother against our cousins; in the village, me, my brother and my cousins against our neighbors; outside, me, my brother, my cousins and our neighbors against the whole world." An Arab proverb
A sense of independent spirit among Afghans has its negative aspect where it has been hard to accept someone as leader. Throughout Afghan history this has caused small and large fratricidal wars. Alliances of Afghans contenders of power with outside forces have been made in the context of internal power struggles. Those who oppose groups allied with foreign forces frequently ridicule their opponents on this ground. Nawab Jabar Khan told Sir Alexander Burnes after the capture of Ghazni by British forces in 1839 that "if Shah Shuja is really a king, and come to the kingdom of his ancestors, what is the use of your army and name? You have brought him by your money and arms into Afghanistan and you have behaved toward him in a friendly and liberal manner in every way. Leave him now with us Afghans, and let him rule us if he can". (6) When Soviet troops were stationed in Afghanistan in support of communist Afghan government, insurgents demanded immediate withdrawal of foreign troops and challenged the communist leaders to rule themselves. Today Taliban are echoing the same line stating that foreign troops should leave Afghanistan and let the Afghans decide who can rule them.
During Communist rule, government derided insurgents as taking money from United States, Pakistan, Iran and Saudi Arabia to kill Afghans while insurgents called ruling elite as Soviet puppets. During Taliban rule, Afghans opposing Taliban called their opponents as puppets of Pakistan. Today insurgents call Afghan government officials as tools in the hands of United States and not as independent masters. In power politics all over the world, alliances are made at convenience and sides are changed if interests change and Afghans are no exception. This sets the stage for endless internal bickering among Afghans. One example highlights how difficult it is for Afghans to agree among themselves. In 1980, heads of Islamic countries gathered in Taif in Saudi Arabia. A delegation of Afghan resistance leaders was also invited. The delegation could not agree on whom should deliver the speech and the scene became so unruly that furious Saudi authorities put all delegation members in the prison telling them that they will remain there until they agreed on a single speaker. Six hours in Taif prison and finally they agreed on Abdul Rab Rasul Sayyaf to deliver the speech. (7) In the last two hundred years, Afghan power brokers have entered into shaky alliances with neighboring powers while at other times actively resisted the influence of the same powers.
Exile
'Exile is the brother of death'. A Berber proverb
Afghan power players of today are no different than their predecessors. Their fortunes can change quite dramatically with changing times. When Shah Shuja (r.1803-1809 & 1839-1842) lost his throne, he was lucky not to loose his eyes. His elder brother Shah Zaman (r. 1793-1801) was blinded when he lost his throne. Shah Shuja ended up a British pensioner in Ludhiana receiving 50'000 Rupees per year and living along with his blind brother Shah Zaman who was also a British pensioner. Shah Zaman enjoyed British pension until his death in 1844. Ludhiana at that time according to Henry Bellew ' been famous as the asylum of the broken down princess of their native land, whilst, curiously enough, it still affords a secure, peaceful retreat to the sons and descendents of the refugee'. (8) Over three decades later, British put Shah Shuja on Afghan throne again and in Louis Dupree's words 'the short, unhappy second reign of Shah Shuja began, propped up by British bayonets, supported by British gold, sustained by British and Indian blood'. (9) This statement can be repeated for future such endeavors with changing British with Soviet Union and then United States. In fact, Afghan President Babrak Karmal was sometimes referred to as 'Second Shah Shuja'.
The deposed Amir Dost Muhammad Khan (r.1835-39 & 1842-63) was abandoned by his own loyal Afghan subjects and he surrendered to British in November 1840. Dost Mohammad along with his family and a large retinue including slaves and concubines were comfortably accommodated by British in Ludhiana. Ironically, he was accommodated in the same house in Ludhiana where Shah Shuja had lived. Dost Muhammad enjoyed British pension (three lakh Rupees per year) spending summers in a nice house in the hills until his turn came again in the game of musical chairs. After the 1842 disaster, British forces withdrew from Afghanistan and Dost Muhammad left Ludhiana to occupy his throne in Kabul again in April 1843. In 1842, when British withdrew from Afghanistan, Shah Shuja was assassinated. Shuja's heir Prince Fatah Jang knew very well that he would not be able to hold on his own, therefore he came back to India to enjoy British pension. When British took control of Kabul in First Anglo-Afghan War, many Ghilzai tribal chiefs took refuge in Sikh territory and later came back to Afghanistan after a deal with British. (10) When Prince Mohammad Akbar Khan was fighting against British in Afghanistan to regain his father's throne, his wife and children were guests of British in Ludhiana.
Amir Yakub Khan (r. February 1879-October 1879) ceded some border areas to British for annual subsidy of £ 60'000. Yakub Khan reigned for a short while in Kabul in 1879 before his abdication and then lived a long life as British pensioner in India dying in 1923. Amir Abdur Rahman Khan (r 1880-1901) spent twelve years in Russian Turkistan as pensioner of Russia before gaining the throne of Kabul. (11) On his death bed, Abdur Rahman told his son never to trust the Russians. In 1888, Abdur Rahman's cousin Sardar Muhammad Ishaque Khan serving then as governor of Afghan-Turkistan attempted to wrest the throne and after failure ended up as Russian pensioner at Samarkand.
In 1879, Sher Ali was appointed Wali of Kandahar by British and at one time an agreement was reached that British will support him as independent ruler of Kandahar. However, later when British decided to evacuate Afghanistan completely, Sher Ali knew that he may not be able to hold his little fiefdom. Sher Ali along with his family left with the withdrawing British forces in December 1880 and lived a happy life in Karachi as British pensioner with a monthly stipend of 5'000 Rupees.
Ayub Khan defeated the British and Indian force at the famous battle of Maiwand in July 1880. He was based in Herat and later, in the internal power struggle against his rivals, he somersaulted and sent his envoys to British political officer Colonel St. John with the offer that if Kandahar was restored to him, he will offer his services to British government. (12) Ayub was not lucky and lost in the internal struggle when Abdur Rahman defeated him in Kandahar and Herat. Ayub fled to Persia and after few years came to India to live on British pension in Dehra Dun. In 1890, during the visit of Prince Albert Victor to India, Ayub was sitting in the audience when Prince reviewed the military parade in Rawalpindi. In a remarkable gesture, Prince Albert rode off on his horse alone towards the enclosure where Ayub was sitting and saluted him. (13) A large number of Pushtuns sitting in the audience had nothing but praise for such a noble gesture where heir to the throne of British Empire showed respect to a fallen Afghan prince who had fought bravely against British.
King Amanullah Khan (r. 1919-1928) who fought a war with British India to gain the right to conduct his foreign relations was booted out by his own people in 1928 in such a manner that he had to seek British permission to escape his homeland through safe passage from India. He lived his three decade exile life in Italy and Switzerland. Future commander-in-chief of Afghan forces and later King Nadir Shah (r. 1929-1933) was born in Dehra Dun where his father was living in exile. Zahir Shah (r. 1933-1973) spent 29 years in exile in Italy after the coup in 1973.
The fate of die hard communist leaders was no different. A young army officer who was in the forefront of the coups Muhammad Aslam Watanjar served as Interior and Defence Minister of Afghanistan. After losing power, he spent his exile years in Ukraine and he died in 2000 in the city of Odessa. Veteran Communist leader Babrak Karmal was President of Afghanistan from 1979-1986. After his fall, Soviets had at one time helped to get him asylum in Czechoslovakia. He later died in Moscow in 1996. Major General Syed Muhammad Gulabzoi who served as Interior Minister spent seventeen years of exile in Russia. Former army Chief of Staff and Defence Minister General Shah Nawaz Tanai fled to Pakistan in 1990 after a failed coup and spent two decades on Pakistani handouts. Former Prime Minister Muhammad Hassan Sharq found refuge in United States and was at one time running Ninety Nine Cent stores in San Diego and another former Prime Minister Sultan Ali Khastmand was given asylum by British Prime Minister John Major in England.
All mujahedeen leaders and warlords spent two decades of exile in Pakistan before they returned as rulers. Many preferred to destroy, loot and rape their own kin rather than administering their country. Prime Minister designate of interim government Gulbadin Hikmatyar preferred to shell the country's capital with rockets rather than administering it. In modern times, some exiles in foreign lands had to work hard in their exile. Karzai family ran restaurants in United States before their fortunes changed. Thanks to unlimited U.S. largesse, many current leading power brokers will not need any pension. Their portfolios are quite diversified and safe in Dubai, Europe and United States for a very comfortable exile.
In early 1800s, Akhund Mullah Shakur spent over two decades in Ludhiana where he was responsible for distributing 4000 Rupees every month among the dependents of exiled King Shah Shuja. (14) When Shah Shuja was installed by British on Kabul throne, Shakur became his Wazir (advisor) responsible for running the finances of the whole country. A number of Afghans who were selling used cars, running pizza joints and fried chicken stores and driving limousines in United States and Europe are now leading government officials and business tycoons in Afghanistan. Brother in law of current Afghan President Hamid Karzai Taj Ayubi was running a furniture store in Virginia. When his fortunes changed, he is now a senior foreign policy advisor to President of Afghanistan. (15)
Pragmatists & Treacherous
'The act of treachery is liked, but not he that does it.'
The rapidity with which Afghan power players change their alliances is truly breath taking. Throughout Afghan history this aspect has baffled outsiders. Paucity of internal sources of revenue forced rulers of Afghanistan to rely on periodic looting expeditions to India. When India came under the Raj this route was closed and many Amirs lived on subsidies provided by British or Russia. In 1881, the new Amir of Afghanistan Abdur Rahman asked British Indian government to give him 100 lakh Rupees to run his newly acquired kingdom. He wrote that these funds were needed to run the country and for reparation of 'all this waste depends upon immense sums of money, and upon the kindness and favor of the glorious British government'. (16) British provided five lakh Rupees to Abdur Rahman's appointed governor of Kandahar Sardar Muhammad Hashim Khan and an additional 50'000 Rupees to Amir to help him consolidate his rule. Later, Lord Ripon provided additional subsidy of 12 lakh Rupees to help Amir secure Herat and turbulent frontier. (17) Hundred and thirty years later, Soviet Union subsidized its client rulers in Afghanistan with money, arms, food and fuel and today United States is essentially subsidizing the state of Afghanistan and the government of President Hamid Karzai.
In the last three decades, various Afghan power holders have changed alliances so frequently that it is hard to even keep a track of these changes. The climax was in the period of 1992-1998 that resembled the era of early 1800. Afghans making and breaking deals with outsiders for their own interests have great expectations. After the disaster of First Anglo-Afghan War when British decided to leave Afghanistan post haste, many Afghan chiefs who cooperated with them felt abandoned. Many complained to Mohan Lal with tears in their eyes stating that 'we deceived and punished our friends, causing them to stand against their own countrymen, and then leaving them in the mouths of lions'. (18) Many of these chiefs were tortured and imprisoned by Akbar Khan when he occupied Kabul. The dynamics never changed and over a century and half later, President Najibullah was publicly hanged by victorious Taliban (Najibullah had many faults but to his credit, he was neither corrupt nor deficient in courage. Despite being head of the powerful Afghan secret service and later President he didn't even own a home and despite many opportunities to escape after his fall from power didn't leave his homeland and paid with his life.) An aid to Ahmad Shah Massoud told his American handler in February 2000, 'you make promises and abandon us. I will never understand your country'. (19) Afghan President Hamid Karzai in his frustration with pressure from U.S. once said that he will 'quit the political process and join the Taliban if he continued to come under outside pressure to reform'. (20)
There are certain sterling qualities of Afghans for which Afghans are justly proud and are admired by outsiders. Personal courage and pride even under extreme hash circumstances has been hallmark of Afghans. Ordinary Afghans have suffered enormously from the devastating war of the last three decades but carried on with dignity. There have been countless examples of Afghans facing certain death with calm and coolness that earned admiration from observers. One example shows this Afghan trait. Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze after a dinner with Najibullah offered a safe home in Moscow for him and his family in view of precarious condition of his regime. Najibullah's wife replied that 'We would prefer to be killed on the doorsteps of this house rather than die in the eyes of our people by choosing the path of flight from their bitter misfortune. We will stay with them here to the end, whether it be happy or bitter'. (21)
Diplomacy & Intrigue
'At the narrow passage there is no brother and no friend.' An Arab Proverb
Living in a tough and hostile neighborhood from time immemorial, Afghan power brokers have become masters of the art of diplomacy and intrigue carrying double and even triple face negotiations with contending parties. Probably, it was and is a compulsion to survive not only in internal power struggles but also to evade powerful and hostile neighbors such as Persia, Russia and British Raj in India followed by Soviet Union, Pakistan, Iran and United States. In 1830s, British Empire in India, Czar's Russia and Persia on Afghanistan's borders were expanding their influence and coveting undefined Afghan territories. Correspondence of Amir Dost Muhammad Khan with three powers in 1836 is a classic example of these power plays and how desperate Afghan rulers tried to maintain their independence in extreme difficult situation. Dost wrote a letter to Lord Auckland stating, "I hope your Lordship will consider me and my country as your own, and favour me often with the receipt of your friendly letters. Whatever directions your Lordship may be pleased to issue for the administration of this country, I will act accordingly". To Shah of Persia, Dost wrote, 'the chiefs of my family were sincerely attached to the exalted and royal house of your Majesty, I too, deem myself one of the devoted adherents of that royal race; and considering this country as belonging to the kingdom of Persia'. At the same time, he sent a letter to Czar of Russia stating that 'since Mahomed Shah, the centre of the faith, had closely connected himself with his Imperial power, desiring the advantage of such alliance, that he also being a Mahomedan, was desirous to follow his example, and to attach himself to his Majesty'. (22) In January 1857, Dost Muhammad signed a treaty with British in Peshawar and said that if he had the power, he would fight the unbelievers but as he could not do it therefore, 'I must cling to the British to save me from the cursed Persians'. (23) In 2010, Afghan rulers are trying their best to balance archrivals like United States and Iran and Pakistan and India and extract maximum benefits.
Nur Muhammad Tarakai sent twenty requests to Soviets to send their troops to Afghanistan to save his regime. Before Soviet troops could come, Tarakai was overthrown and killed by Hafizullah Amin. The beleaguered Communist leader Hafizullah Amin then repeatedly asked for dispatch of Soviet troops to prop up his regime. (24) When Soviet troops finally arrived formally in December 1979, their first act was assassination of Amin who was seen by Soviets as the root of all their problems in Afghanistan. General Shah Nawaz Tanai was a diehard communist but after the failed coup attempt in 1990, he showed up in Pakistan sitting next to archrival Gulbadin Hikmatyar. Hikmatyar on his part derided Shia when he was receiving handouts from Saudis. When he was dumped by Pakistanis and Saudis, he found refuge in Tehran; arch rival of Saudi Arabia.
Many resistance leaders who lived for two decades on Pakistani handouts when settled in Kabul as interim rulers jumped on Pakistan's rival India's gravy train. After the collapse of Najibullah regime, leaders of various factions forged and broke alliances at a breathtaking speed. Saudis provided money to Gulbadin Hikmatyar and Abdur Rab Rasul Sayyaf for years. In 1991, both these Afghan leaders were cheering Saddam Hussain when he invaded Kuwait. Sayyaf even had the audacity to announce in a speech that Saudi government was un-Islamic. Saudi intelligence chief prince Turki al-Faisal was furious and sent his Chief of Staff Ahmad Badeeb to Peshawar. Badeeb barged into a meeting and told Sayyaf on his face, 'F*** you and your family and the Afghans'. (25) Two decades down the road, current Afghan President is taking money from two arch rivals; United States and Iran and his brother Ahmad Wali Karzai receiving regular payments from Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). (26)
Only in Afghanistan it was possible that Afghan graduates of English, German and French high schools got professional training in medicine, engineering and military arts in Soviet Union. During Cold War, fruit orchards irrigated by American built dam exported their produce to Soviet Union and Soviet planes landed on airfield built by Americans. All Afghan trade went through Pakistan as Afghanistan was land locked and at the same time Kabul theatres were showing latest Indian movies. Those were the good times and probably today everyone competing in reconstruction in Afghanistan is a better game than investment in destruction.
Religion
'I will say this much for the nobility: that tyrannical, murderous, rapacious, and morally rotten as they were, they were deeply and enthusiastically religious.' Mark Twain
Misuse of religious symbols for personal gains is also not new and from time immemorial cannon fodders for power struggle were gathered around that banner. The chief cleric of Kabul Mirwais gave solemn blessing to the ruler Shah Shuja in every Friday sermon. When Shah Shuja was away from the capital, Mirwais switched sides and helped rebel prince Shahzada Qaiser. After winning the battle, Shah Shuja executed Mirwais. When Shah Mahmud was away from the capital, two clerics Syed Ashraf and Syed Ata along with some of their fanatic Kohistani Sunni followers installed Shahzada Abbas on Kabul throne and incited Sunnis to attack Shia Qazalbash of Kabul. Shah Mahmud sent Dost Muhammad to Kabul to confront the rebels. After winning the battle, Dost Muhammad had Syed Ashraf along with a number of Kohistanis executed. Special treatment was reserved for Syed Ata by laying him on ground and crushing him with an elephant's foot. (27)
In First Anglo-Afghan War of 1839, when troops were passing through Sindh and Baluchistan, a local cleric of Kandahar Gholam Akhundzada was in the forefront of stimulating local population against British using religious arguments. When it was clear that British will take Kandahar without a major fight, he switched sides and joined British. The chief advisor of Kandahar's rulers was Mullah Nasu who also joined the winning British camp for the reward of a pension. (28) In Kabul, clerics issued a fatwa (religious decree) declaring a holy war against Shah Shuja and British contingent advancing towards Kabul to remove Dost Mohammad and replace him with Shah Shuja. However, secretly they sent an emissary to British stating that they have been forced to issue the fatwa and professed their loyalty to incoming new king. (29) Ghulam Khan Popalzai who had fallen from favor of Amir Dost Muhammad Khan helped to secure the loyalty of leading clerics of Kabul in favor of Shah Shuja. British agent paid Ghulam Khan forty thousand Rupees for this purpose and two leading clerics Hafiz Ji and Khawaja Khanji were given money from this fund. Hafiz Ji, a greatly revered religious leader in Kohistan switched sides for the amount of 8000 Rupees. (30) British on their part were able to get the fatwa from Mullahs of Peshawar in favor of Shah Shuja. (31) It is quite clear that this fatwa was not free but a reasonable amount of money changed hands.
Morecraft went to get the support of Wazir tribes in favor of Shah Shuja and his host was a local saint Mian Badruddin Musazai. Later, his nephew with the help of British worked to get support of Bangash tribesmen for the cause of Shah Shuja. (32) Syed Ahmad Shah was greatly revered by Afridis of Tirah and he joined Shah Shuja's son Taimur at Peshawar when combined forces of British, Sikhs and Shah Shuja were advancing towards Kabul. (33)
From time to time, religious personalities show up on the panorama of history of the turbulent frontier. It includes both local and foreign clerics. In the early part of the twentieth century a mysterious Syrian saint Sadi al Keylani (nick named Shami Pir) showed up in Waziristan to stir up some trouble. It was only after the offering of 25'000 Rupees by British government that this holy man embarked from Karachi to his homeland. In twenty first century with Waziristan again up in flames, many clerics especially those associated with Jamiat-e-Ulama-e-Islam of Maulana Fazlur Rahman earned handsome amounts as middleman shuttling between militants and Pakistan government during negotiations.
The holy book of Quran also frequently appears on the scene of political power play. Amir of Kabul Shah Shuja went to Kandahar to meet Fatah Khan and Dost Mohammed Khan. All parties wrote a friendship agreement on the leaf of holy Quran. Dost Mohammed later not only deserted Shah Shuja but was able to snatch the Kabul throne. Ata Muhammad Khan Bamzai had blinded Fatah Khan (brother of Dost Muhammad). Dost Mohammed made a treaty of alliance with Ata Muhammad on the margins of the pages of Quran taking the solemn oath that they will divide the kingdom between all the brothers and Ata Muhammad if the later deserted his master. Later, just before becoming the ruler of Kabul, Dost invited Ata for a meeting and during that meeting, Dost's brother Pir Muhammad threw Ata on floor and blinded him. (34) During Soviet occupation, a number of resistance organizations propped up in Pakistan and Iran. Every organization had the name 'Islami' in the title. After the departure of Soviet troops from Afghanistan in 1989, all these warring 'Islamic' warlords were participants in a horrible civil war. At one time, the warring warlords signed an agreement on the pages of Quran promising not to engage in violence and at another time, they were pushed inside the holiest shrine of Islam in Mecca asking them to make a deal. When they came back to the killing fields of Afghanistan, they mercilessly killed and maimed their own countrymen without any remorse. This horrible fratricidal war facilitated the emergence of a more extreme puritan movement under the banner of Taliban.
Religion is a powerful motivating factor and many ordinary folks influenced by this can be caught in the power struggles. These folks have been labeled ghazis, fanatics, mullahs, talibs, extremists, terrorists etc. at different stages of history. In early 1800s, Syed Ahmad of India along with his puritan followers made Peshawar and its surrounding area his base to launch a Jihad against Sikh rulers. Clashes with local Pushtun powerful elites proved to be fatal for this movement. Many of his followers were killed by locals and remaining retreated to northern hills where he was finally killed in a fight with Sikh army. Small pockets called by British 'Hindustani Fanatics' enjoyed local protection in remote mountain areas of Sitana and Malka and were finally liquidated by a combination of British army and locals. Two hundred years later, Arab and Central Asian (Uzbeks & Chechens) fighters retreated into Waziristan area after escaping the killing fields of Afghanistan. Clash with some local militant leaders resulted in a sanguine firefight resulting in death of large number of foreign fighters. Small groups of some of these foreign fighters scattered in inhospitable and rugged terrain of Waziristan and other tribal areas are the subject of today's headlines.
In First Anglo Afghan War, many Afghans as well British Indian subjects genuinely believed that it was their religious duty to fight and they fought bravely on the side of Dost Muhammad Khan. After the defeat in Ghazni about sixty of them were beheaded by victorious Shah Shuja. During Soviet occupation, a large number of Afghans and non-Afghans saw it as their religious duty to fight and suffered enormously. In 2001, after the collapse of Taliban regime, a large number of Taliban and foreign fighters surrendered in northern Afghanistan and later killed during Qala-e-Jangi prison uprising. Today, many Afghans and non-Afghans are convinced that it is their religious duty to fight coalition forces in Afghanistan. In 1880, it was Mullah Mushk-e-Alam in Kabul and in 2010, it is Mullah Omar of Kandahar waving the banner of Jihad. In between, Sartor Mullah, Mullah Powindah, Mullah Hadda appear for the brief periods on the canvas.
This is the first of a two part article.
Hamid Hussain
Defence Journal, January 2011
No comments:
Post a Comment